Men Not at Work: An Analysis of Men Outside the Labour Force

CONTENTS

Preliminaries
Cover, Copyright, Contents, Foreword, Acknowledgments, Abbreviations

1   Introduction
1.1   What this report is about
1.2   What does 'outside the labour force' mean?
1.3   A snapshot of non-participation in the labour force
1.4   Structure of the report

2   The dynamics of labour market inactivity
2.1   Transitions in labour market status
2.2   Trends in male and female inactivity rates differ
2.3   Snapshots across age groups suggest the important dynamic effects over the lifecycle
2.4   Ageing versus trend effects in the past
2.5   Cohort effects

3   Who are they?
3.1   Introduction
3.2   Inactivity by family and relationship type
3.3   Educational and occupational characteristics of men outside the labour force
3.4   Indigenous males
3.5   Does migrant status affect male inactivity?
3.6   The role of institutionalisation

4   Where do they live?
4.1   Variations by States and Territories
4.2   A regional picture
4.3   What leads to spatial segmentation in inactivity rates?

5   Why are men outside the labour force?
5.1   What do men give as the reason?
5.2   The hidden reasons

6   Ill-health and disability
6.1   The role of illness, injury and disability in economic inactivity
6.2   How has the role of illness, injury and disability changed over time?
6.3   Summary

7   Impacts of being out of the labour force
7.1   Introduction
7.2   Aggregate economic impacts
7.3   Personal impacts
7.4   Wider effects
7.5   Conclusions

8   The Disability Support Pension
8.1   The role of Disability Support Pension
8.2   Trends over time and duration of 'spells' on the DSP
8.3   High DSP coverage is not just about underlying health conditions
8.4   What are the factors underlying uptake of the DSP?
8.5   Why are men with disabilities now less employable?
8.6   What remedies have been suggested?

9   Education and participation
9.1   In snapshot data, the less educated are more vulnerable to labour market withdrawal
9.2   Policy is oriented to increasing education duration
9.3   Males with poorer education have become more vulnerable, but women have not
9.4   Simple longitudinal studies show some gains for males who complete school
9.5   But the link between education and participation can be confounded by other influences
9.6   Taking account of the differences generally reduces the labour market benefits of schooling for non-completers
9.7   What does the large literature on returns to education imply?
9.8   Education and labour market outcomes for special groups
9.9   What do international comparisons reveal?
9.10   Conclusion

10   The effects of what schools do
10.1   Strategies for particular groups or problems
10.2   Changes in vocational education
10.3   Literacy and numeracy
10.4   Early childhood development
10.5   Conclusions

A   Work expectancy
A.1   Introduction
A.2   Methods

B   Illness, injury and disability data

C   Engagement of people on DSP

D   Output effects of inactivity
D.1   Economic impacts
D.2   The gross costs of labour market engagement
D.3   The feasible change in the participation rate
D.4   The gross benefits of engagement
D.5   Some wrinkles in this story

E   The productivity of outsiders

F   Will population ageing reduce male inactivity rates?
F.1   Conceptual framework
F.2   Cross-country evidence

G   Moral hazard and the DSP
G.1   Are less verifiable conditions more prevalent among DSP beneficiaries?
G.2   Early retirement?
G.3   Employment propensities of those on DSP
G.4   Low outflow rates?

References