How can economics contribute to better policy-making in future?

Speech

Productivity Commission Chair Michael Brennan delivered a speech to the Australian Conference of Economics in Melbourne on 15 July 2019.

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It is a great privilege to be part of this session and on a panel with two former colleagues.

I am an unabashed optimist on this issue.

Over the last 40 years, the Economics profession has been front and centre in the great transformation of the Australian economy, which has brought huge community benefits, in terms of increased standards of living.

I don’t dispute that we got some things wrong – globally, very few economists predicted the GFC ; many of us were slow to appreciate the full implications of China’s rise; and I for one was too naive about the role of competition in some areas (I am still scarred by VET ).

So there is a lot of room for humility, but we shouldn’t give in to negativity and we shouldn’t lose ambition. Economists have to keep wrestling with the big issues of the day.

Sadly, there are a lot of incentives for economists to focus on minute modelling exercises or clever (but in my view pointless) theoretical games.

But ours is a social science – a human endeavour which looks at real people and real world policy problems.

Our lot is to immerse ourselves in that messy world, stick our collective necks out – and usually make imperfect calls in uncertain context.

If we are prepared to meet that challenge, with courage and, yes, humility, then the economics profession will continue to have a large positive influence on policy making.

With that in mind, I want to mention three key trends that I think will shape our work and the contribution we can make to better policy.

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First, the policy debate is increasingly moving into territory that is less traditional for economists.

At the Productivity Commission (PC) our work program takes us a lot into the non-market sector – services like health and education. We have done work on the policy issues that arise in the area of data and technology.

Also, the economics profession has rediscovered a spatial lens – looking at urban planning and the functioning of our cities.

In all of those areas, there exists an established policy tradition – and a community of experts – of which economists haven’t always been part.

We firmly believe that economics can bring great insight to these areas, but in general, those other professions and professional disciplines represent the incumbents and we are in the role of disruptors.

We have to find our way in ‑ negotiate and carve out our space.

In particular, we have to take seriously our subject matter deficit. We have to accept that we will always know less than the subject matter experts.

So although we have to develop a baseline understanding, we ultimately have to work with subject matter experts rather than trying to supplant them.

This often requires close inter-disciplinary cooperation. We have a psychiatrist as an Associate Commissioner on our current mental health inquiry and we brought in a sociologist to help us on problem gambling.

Our comparative advantage is the framework – the application of a logical theory. With pretty strong explanatory power and – crucially – the ability to say something about welfare implications.

Of course, part of what characterises these areas is that the evidence of what works is increasingly context-specific. So more and more, we face the reality that what works in one location or cohort or community, won’t necessarily translate to broader application.

That is a big challenge to the economics profession, because our whole intellectual tradition – our professional DNA if you will – is based on generalising. Using some simplifying assumptions to furnish a workable, logically coherent theory which can then be more generally applied.

Despite the challenge, we can’t give up on that tendency.

Instead, we have to develop more and more sophisticated approaches to our general theories.

For example, we can try and distill some general lessons learned about where markets have worked well and where they haven’t.

Where we have to adapt the assumption that consumers have stable, predictable or homogeneous preferences.

It’s great that we have Tim Besley as part of the conference this afternoon to talk about the importance of values and culture to our work as economists.

In Indigenous policy, we’re increasingly realising the importance of culture and the scars of history. This means stronger decision-making by local people, recognition of the importance of kinship, and capability strengthening are factors that must be central to effective policies and implementation.

At the PC, we have often used the insights from behavioural economics in areas like retirement income policy, such as people’s tendencies towards loss aversion and myopia.

But these insights offer a complement to the general theory. They don’t substitute for it.

And in the end, for better or worse, policy makers need some sort of general framework.

Someone has to provide it.

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My second big trend concerns the role of allocative efficiency.

Forty years ago, if you looked at the Australian economy, you would probably conclude that we had a significant misallocation of resources, because of:

  • regulated product and factor markets
  • high tariffs
  • inefficient government enterprises making up a large share of the economy.

Much of the reform effort of the 1980s and 1990s was focused on correcting that allocative inefficiency.

As economists, our analytic tools – partial equilibrium analysis and CGE models – served us very well, both in explaining the problem and in selling the benefits of reform.

In 2019, with maybe one or two significant exceptions, our challenges are not about large scale resource misallocation (or at least not to the same extent).

I think our challenge is increasingly about dynamism – including the development of human capital, the generation of new disruptive ideas, products and business models and their diffusion through the economy.

A reform agenda focused on those things is - I believe - the key to getting sustained increases in multi factor productivity growth, and with it, real growth in incomes.

But it’s hard to model those reforms meaningfully using a static equilibrium approach.

We have to look at other techniques of analysis and explanation for this purpose.

Part of that requires that we become much more comfortable with contingency, uncertainty and incomplete information.

We can’t see the world or the role of policy in terms of achieving perfect, well-defined and concrete end points.

But rather, the incentives, the processes and institutions that can help us evolve towards a future that we haven’t imagined.

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The third big trend concerns data.

One of the big changes of our age is the proliferation of data and the exponential increase in computing power.

That unlocks big increases in modelling capability.

It is nothing short of an empirical revolution and thus a huge enabler for our profession.

In particular, it allows us to use data where we had previously relied on a (former) priori reasoning.

There are a number of examples where our a priori views were changed by looking at the data. But we should sound two notes of caution.

First, I sometimes observe that economists’ research priorities are shaped (distorted perhaps) by finding a really cool data set – maybe with a neat natural experiment.

And while that might help us explain something about the world, the big priority should be policy relevance. The ‘so what’ factor - both in how we do our work and how we choose research priorities.

Second, working with data is a dance – it needs two partners: empirics and theory.

Good research begins with some theory. A refutable hypothesis, clear idea of what we are looking for and might expect to find. And the evidence that would prove our priors wrong.

If we are wanting the data to speak to us of its own accord, we will be either disappointed or grievously misled. The point is that we can’t get seduced by the improvement in computing power and become slaves to the data rather than masters of it.

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I want to finish where I started – with the need to do our work with a passion for the real world around us.

When I think of great economists I admire like Ronald Coase or Elinor Ostrom, they brought a passion for understanding how real people deal with real economic problems. They confront. From lighthouse provision to management of common resources.

And when I think of future economists – those starting out today or working through their honours thesis – I would recommend to them that they can have the career of a Ross Garnaut, a Bruce Chapman, a Jenny Wilkinson, a Maryanne Mrakovcic, a Helen Silver or a Warwick McKibbin.

That is so much better than publishing 100 esoteric articles in the proliferation of esoteric journals.

And our engagement with the real world is a two way street.

The real world informs our analysis, but we also need to inform and persuade the real world through our work.

Sometimes people see our role (often we see our role) as advising politicians – often exhorting them to embrace various reforms. And sure, that is part of our job, but we also have to do more to get out there and convince the community.

To show how our policy recommendations can improve people’s lives – through higher incomes, lower prices or greater choice.

That does take courage – and the humility to acknowledge what we don’t really know.

But if we get that balance right, then the economics profession is very well placed to contribute to good public policy for many years to come.

Opening statement

Deputy Chair Alex Robson delivered an opening statement to the Senate Select Committee on Commonwealth Bilateral Air Service Agreements.

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Thank you for the invitation to appear before this Committee and for the opportunity to make an opening statement.

The Commission’s previous work has shown that Australia’s international aviation policy has generally served us well. But the current state of the aviation market and recent events highlight that there is scope for improvement.

My main messages today are:

  1. There would be benefits from further liberalising air services.
  2. For quite some time there has been a need for more transparent cost‑benefit analysis in decision making in this area.

Liberalisation of air services

The first point I would like to make today is that there is scope to further liberalise air services in Australia.

Many of the air services agreements that the Australian Government negotiates restricts the access of international airlines to Australia’s major airports.

Restrictions on access to aviation markets can impede competition between airlines, which matters because it can harm the community in many ways.

Less competition can mean that airlines offer fewer or lower quality services and charge higher prices.

As a result, Australians may pay higher prices for worse service. Inbound tourism may also suffer, which harms Australian tourism operators and the broader economy.

International aviation capacity has grown significantly over the past few decades with nearly 54 million seats in 2018‑19, up from nearly 15 million seats in 1991-92.

But some routes have faced a lack of capacity over the years.

When the Commission last looked at air services arrangements in 2015, the Fiji, Hong Kong, Malaysia and Qatar markets were constrained. Since then, capacity for airlines from Qatar has doubled from 14 to 28 services per week but they have been fully exhausted. And the Transport Minister has recently decided not to grant Qatar’s request to increase capacity.

Qatar has also exhausted their capacity entitlements under the ‘Enhanced Regional Package’, which allows access to major airports as long as they operate through another Australian airport in the same trip.

Our view is that foreign airlines should be allowed to access Australia’s major airports on an unlimited basis.

We previously recommended a staged approach to liberalisation, starting with unrestricted access to Brisbane, Melbourne and Perth airports, followed by Sydney Airport - unless it can be shown that the costs would outweigh the benefits to the community.

Of course, there is no guarantee that more services will be added if unrestricted access is granted. But it is reasonable to expect that the most immediate benefits could be felt on routes that are currently constrained.

Transparent cost-benefit analysis

There would also be costs to further liberalisation. How could we determine if the costs to the community of further liberalisation outweigh the benefits?

Oddly enough, only a cost-benefit analysis can tell us the answer.

This leads me to my second point: transparent cost-benefit analysis.

I want to emphasise that our message today on transparent cost-benefit analysis is not directed at any particular decision of government.

The need for transparent cost-benefit analysis in this area is not new. It has been needed for many years.

Successive Australian Governments have stated a policy objective of advancing Australia’s national interest when negotiating air services agreements.

This is an appropriate objective - the ultimate policy goal should be to enhance the welfare of the Australian community as a whole, rather than to protect or promote any particular group, industry or commercial interests.

The stakes are high. Governments need to balance the potentially competing interests of the Australian aviation industry with those of the broader community, such as tourism operators, air freight users, travellers and the broader economy.

Unfortunately, there has been a lack of transparency for quite some time regarding how governments make these decisions and how trade‑offs between these various competing interests are made.

As a result, the fact is that for many years it has been difficult to tell whether these decisions have actually been in the interests of the Australian community as a whole. The public has been left in the dark about the degree to which various interests have been taken into account, what tradeoffs were made, and why.

That is why the Commission has, for many years now, recommended that whenever an international air service arrangement is being negotiated, the Australian Government should assess all the relevant costs and benefits of more open air services markets. And importantly, this assessment should be released publicly.

A cost‑benefit analysis might not be everything. But it is an important and powerful tool to support policymaking and decision‑making, particularly when such analysis reveals possible unintended consequences and undertakes sensitivity analysis to assess the robustness of decisions.

Cost benefit analysis would improve transparency and boost confidence that decisions are being made in the interests of the broader community. And if in the highly unlikely case - heaven forbid – that decisions are made where costs exceed benefits, the community would know that this is the case and would know how much the decision’s net costs are likely to be. Decision makers would then be fully accountable for their decisions in this area and could explain why they are making policy choices that are likely to impose net costs on the community.

To repeat: these points are not directed at any particular decision of government.

I would be happy to take the committee’s questions.